WTO
Steve
steve at advocate.net
Fri Dec 10 17:09:48 PST 1999
x-no-archive: yes
==============================
Hey, from Business Week magazine, of all places!
==============================
The Seattle Protesters Got It Right
(Business Week)---Global trade politics will never be the same after
Seattle. For the first time, the issue is squarely joined: Shall human
rights take their place alongside property rights in the global
economic system? For advocates of laissez-faire trade, of course,
the matter is far simpler. Those who question ''free trade,'' as The
New York Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman wrote indignantly,
are ''a Noah's Ark of flat-earth advocates.'' The man can mix a
metaphor as well as miss the point.
The point, reduced to its essence, is that capitalism works better as
a mixed system than as a laissez-faire system. For a century,
citizens of Western countries have voted for a mixed system. We
prefer a mixed economy to temper the extremes and inequities of
raw capitalism. That's why we regulate banks and securities
markets; that's why we have labor and environmental laws and
social insurance.
But now, through such institutions as the World Trade Organization
and the International Monetary Fund, the world's investors want to
resurrect the capitalism of the robber baron era--a global charter for
property rights but not human rights. Otherwise, how could China, a
one-party state that jails people seeking free speech or free trade
unions, possibly qualify for membership? Otherwise, why is it
permissible to trample the sovereignty of developing countries to
secure U.S. intellectual-property rights and free capital flows, but not
to ban child labor?
Commentators such as Friedman confuse two things: the virtue of
trade and the ground rules for trade. Foreign trade, like domestic
commerce, enhances economic growth. But increased commerce
does not require pure laissez-faire. As Jeff Faux of the Economic
Policy Institute has observed, policies that are utterly mainstream in
the national context, such as minimum wages, are deemed
controversial when applied globally.
However desirable cross-border trade may be, it is not the sum and
substance of a democratic society. Friedman also wrote: ''Every
country and company that has improved its labor, legal, and
environmental standards has done so because of more global trade,
more integration, more Internet.'' This would certainly be news to
Walter Reuther, Martin Luther King Jr., or Rachel Carson, not to
mention Nelson Mandela or Thomas Jefferson. The struggle for a
decent, democratic, and humane society has little to do with trade. It
exists in an entirely separate realm--the realm of democratic
citizenship--that is now being undermined by trade.
Happily, it is democratic citizenship that's challenging the claims of
global laissez-faire, just as it was democratic citizenship that built a
domestic mixed economy. In Seattle, President Clinton called for
more trade, but also for labor and environmental standards, and
more openness in WTO panels. Clinton didn't get a sudden
revelation. Rather, he observed that the labor movement, which
reluctantly endorsed Al Gore, is livid about Clinton's decision to
welcome totalitarian/capitalist China into the WTO. He saw his allies
in the environmental movement in the streets. In short, he changed
his tune because of citizen protest.
The Administration went to Seattle hoping for a grand bargain: The
U.S. would offer a token committee to gingerly explore labor
standards; the Europeans would stop managing their farm economy;
the Third World would become even more open to global capital
flows. The deal didn't fly.
A much better deal can be had: Give poor countries some serious
debt relief, as proposed by the world's religious leaders in the
Jubilee 2000 campaign. In exchange, governments of authoritarian
countries would have to embrace minimal standards of decency for
their workers and citizens. Also, raise environmental standards, but
accompany this with serious transfers of technology. Before Seattle,
these ideas were not even debatable. Now they are getting a
hearing.
Even the editorial writers of The New York Times, who routinely
champion the conventional view of free trade, found the words to
declare that ''[the] WTO's 135 members will make a huge mistake if
they fail to grasp the core belief fueling these unruly protests--that
the WTO is far too insular, that it has displayed far too little
sympathy for issues such as workers' rights and the environment,
and that its secretive procedures undermine public trust.''
But it isn't the WTO that's insular. The WTO agenda is set by the
world's leading governments, which forgot that they are elected not
only to advance the interests of multinational corporations but also
those of citizens. The author William Greider observes: What a
shame that careful, reasoned argument could not accomplish what
was achieved by a little broken glass.
Copyright Businessweek Online 12/99
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