SCN: Privacy
Steve
steve at advocate.net
Fri Aug 4 07:26:21 PDT 2000
x-no-archive: yes
========================
(Carl S. Kaplan, NY Times)---The goal of the plan announced by
President Clinton's chief of staff, John Podesta, sounded admirable:
to overhaul the nation's privacy laws, harmonizing a patchwork of
inconsistent rules and extending to e-mail and mobile phone
messages the same strict safeguards against government snooping
that now apply to telephone calls.
But in the fine print of Podesta's speech was a detail that some
privacy advocates found alarming: a rollback of the tight privacy
protections that many believe currently apply to Internet
communications over cable modems and networks.
In short, they say, the government is proposing to giveth somewhat
and taketh away a lot.
In response, the government's chief privacy officer, Peter P. Swire,
said in an interview that a whittling down of certain features of cable
privacy laws is necessary to prevent cable-based Internet networks
from becoming a haven for criminals.
Whichever side is right, the administration's announcement has
kicked off what is likely to be an intensified debate over the level of
privacy protection that online speech has from government
interference.
In prepared remarks for a National Press Club talk on July 17, which
followed by some weeks the public disclosure of the F.B.I.'s
controversial e-mail snooping software dubbed "Carnivore," Podesta
made several recommendations for updating and fixing electronic
privacy laws.
Mainly, he pointed out that telephone calls currently receive
significant privacy protection under two different federal laws while
most e-mails receive less protection.
For example, a federal prosecutor who wants to install a wiretap on
a telephone line must get approval from a high-level official in the
Justice Department before seeking a court order authorizing the tap.
Moreover, a judge will issue an order only if there is "probable
cause" to believe that one of a special list of serious crimes has
been or will be committed by the target. To keep things on the
straight and narrow, the law also requires that the wiretap evidence
be suppressed if the government does not dot all the i's.
When federal law enforcement agents want to intercept the contents
of most real-time e-mails, they must also apply for a court order and
demonstrate probable cause. But by contrast, they need not seek
high-level Justice Department approval, the crime sought to be
prevented can be any federal crime and there is no statutory
suppression penalty if proper procedure is not followed.
In arguing that all e-mails should be given the same enhanced
protections as telephone calls, Podesta in effect declared that the
telephone wiretap law should be the privacy baseline.
By saying that, however, he also signaled his intention to greatly
lower the standard that may be protecting a relatively small but fast-
growing class of e-mails and other electronic communications:
messages created by users of cable-based Internet services.
That's because the laws governing the cable television industry, the
Cable Act of 1984 and the related sections of the
Telecommunications Act of 1996 have privacy protections for cable
subscribers that make the telephone wiretap laws seem positively
pallid.
Take a case where an F.B.I. agent wants to intercept real-time e-mail
generated by a cable-modem user. Under section 551(h) of the Cable
Act, the government has to secure a court order based on "clear and
convincing evidence" that the target may be involved in a crime.
That's a higher standard that the "probable cause" required for a
phone tap.
More significantly, the Cable Act requires that a cable service
subscriber who is the target of a government request for information
be given notice and the opportunity to contest the request in court.
That wrinkle pretty much rules out the possibility of surreptitious
interception of cable-Internet e-mails, said Paul M. Schwartz, a
professor at Brooklyn Law School who specializes in privacy and
the Internet.
The Clinton administration appears to believe that applying the
Cable Act to cable-based e-mails would deal a death blow to the
ability of agents to secretly monitor communications over cable
platforms, thus hampering law enforcement.
"The problem under the Cable Act is that you must give prior notice
before getting access to customer records," Swire, the government's
privacy czar, said in a recent interview. "You can't give notice and
still carry out lawful surveillance. Targets would stop revealing
anything incriminating. If you know your [cable] modem is going to
be tapped, you're not going to do that sort of business over that
line."
Swire added that the purpose of the Cable Act privacy protections
was to safeguard the programming choices of cable television
subscribers. He said that the government's draft privacy laws --
circulated to Congress earlier this week -- would retain the old cable
protections against government snooping as they related to show
lists.
Civil libertarians and other privacy advocates remain unpersuaded.
They ask: If there is to be uniformity in the privacy treatment of
messages -- whether they be telephone calls, e-mails, cable-based
e-mails or cordless phone communications -- why not set the
baseline at the Cable Act?
"The question here is whether to harmonize up or down," said Marc
Rotenberg, director of the Electronic Privacy Information Center, a
Washington-based privacy organization.
"We think the Cable Act is one of the best privacy protections in our
law. And we're not very pleased to bring it down," he said, adding
later: "This is the first time the government is arguing that a privacy
law currently in place is too strong and needs to be lowered. It's a
very troubling thing."
Rotenberg acknowledged that under the Cable Act the government
would have to tip off a potential e-mail surveillance target before the
surveillance began. But "so what if there is a tip off," he said.
"Surreptitious surveillance is really a big deal. We're talking about
government monitoring covertly the activities of its citizens. If there
is not a procedure to make people aware of that, then we've gone
pretty far up the curve to Big Brother surveillance," he said.
Rotenberg also took issue with Swire's argument that the Cable Act
privacy protections were designed to protect viewing habits only.
When the law was passed in 1984, he said, "it's clear that Congress
knew people would use cable-based systems for voting, online
banking and other interactive activities."
Barry Steinhardt, associate director of the American Civil Liberties
Union, agreed the privacy baseline should be pegged more toward
the Cable Act. A court order for e-mail eavesdropping based on
"clear and convincing" evidence of crime is not too high, he
maintained. "The interception of communications is very invasive
and the standard ought to be high," he said.
In his speech, Podesta said that more than 1.4 billion e-mails are
exchanged every day. Of the 50 million households online in the
United States, about 2.2 million log on to the Internet and send mail
through cable modems.
Legal experts say that it's an open question whether the Cable Act
applies to cable-based Internet activities. Barbara Esbin, a
Washington-based lawyer who specializes in communications law
and who formerly worked at the Federal Communications
Commission, said courts have split on the issue and that the F.C.C.
has not yet issued a ruling -- although it is scheduled to address the
issue in the fall.
But it's clear the government is worried the Cable Act might apply.
And some cable-based Internet service providers are acting as if it
did. Swire said that he has been informed by the Department of
Justice that some cable providers have been reluctant to turn over
their Internet service records to law enforcement officials and have
pointed to the Cable Act as their excuse. A report issued in March by
the President's working group on Unlawful Conduct on the Internet
also noted somberly that "some cable companies that provide
Internet service have relied on the [Cable] Act to refuse to disclose
subscriber information pursuant to state Grand Jury subpoenas."
Copyright 2000 The New York Times Company
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